Melbourne: Activists disrupt opening of Turkish government sponsored event

Melbourne, October 13th, 2015: Activists from Rojava Solidarity Australia disrupted the opening of a cultural event sponsored by the Turkish government. The event 'Sufi Music Ensemble & Whirling Dervishes Melbourne Show' was held at the Melbourne Town Hall and was sponsored by the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism and the Turkish Embassy in Canberra. Mid-way through a speech by a representative of the Turkish government, two activists made their way to the front of the stage and unfurled a banner that read: "STOP TURKISH STATE TERROR" and shouted slogans that included "Turkey supports ISIS", "Turkey is at war with it's own people", "Long live the Kurdish people" and "Who bombed Ankara" before being roughly ejected by security. Unfortunately video footage of the action was accidentally deleted during the scuffle with security. While the majority of the audience were hostile towards the action there was a smattering of applause from people who obviously approved of the action. Here is a statement from Rojava Solidarity Australia explaining the reasons behind their action:

STOP TURKISH STATE TERROR! 

We have interrupted this event due to it being sponsored by the Turkish government. The Turkish government is currently waging a campaign of terror against the Kurdish and progressive left movements in Turkey.

 This campaign has involved covert support for extremist Islamic organizations such as the so-called Islamic State; mass arrests and imprisonment of Kurdish and left-wing activists, community leaders and politicians; mass censorship and restrictions against social and news media; maintaining a military blockade that prevents humanitarian aid from reaching the Kurdish autonomous region of Rojava in Syria that is under constant attack by IS; the murder of prominent Kurdish and left-wing activists; launching airstrikes against Kurdish guerrillas in Iraq who have been one of the most effective fighting forces worldwide against IS; and most disturbing of all - facilitating terrorist attacks against peaceful and democratic protests.

The most recent of these attacks took place on the 10th of October in Ankara, Turkey's capital. At least 128 people were killed and hundreds more were injured when twin explosions hit a peace rally organized by the trade union movement. The Turkish state's immediate reaction following this horrific attack was to order it's security forces to deploy tear gas and water cannon against people rendering aid to the survivors and to implement a media blackout on reporting about the attack as well as blocking it's citizens from accessing Twitter and Facebook. The government then went on to make the outrageous claim that Kurdish or left-wing groups could have been behind the attack and to impose further restrictions on reporting or releasing information related to the attack.

The Australian government regularly makes grandiose announcements and engages in much media posturing regarding it's supposed involvement and commitment to the so-called 'War On Terror' - in particular the war against the Islamic State. However, the Australian government maintains normal relations with the Turkish state - a state that routinely terrorizes it's own population and covertly funds and arms the Islamic State, Al-Nusra Front and other violent Islamic fundamentalist groups that are currently terrorizing the people of Syria and Iraq. The Australian government also lists the PKK (Kurdistan Worker's Party) as a 'terrorist' organization at the behest of the Turkish government. It is widely recognized throughout the world that the PKK is currently one of the most effective fighting forces worldwide against the Islamic State. The PKK are also recognized worldwide for their heroic role in the rescue of thousands of Yazidi people from the Islamic State on Mt Sinjar in Iraqi Kurdistan.

The Australian government is demonstrating via it's actions that it's only real commitment to combating IS is to use them as a convenient specter on the domestic front in order to stifle dissent, increase surveillance of it's citizens and further restrict freedom of speech. By maintaining normal relations with the Turkish state, Australia is in fact aiding the Islamic State and other extremist fundamentalist terror groups - making a complete mockery of it's supposed commitment to the 'War On Terror.'


STOP THE TURKISH STATE'S WAR AGAINST IT'S OWN POPULATION!
END AUSTRALIAN COOPERATION WITH THE CRIMINAL ERDOGAN REGIME!

SOLIDARITY WITH THE KURDISH STRUGGLE AND THE PROGRESSIVE LEFT MOVEMENT IN TURKEY!

Rojava Solidarity Australia

13.10.15.

Australia: ANU students launch 'Stand With Kobani' reconstruction fundraising campaign

Students of the Australian National University have recently launched a charity campaign to raise awareness for the current situation in Rojava, located in Northern Syria. The campaign, “Stand With Kobani” aims to raise money and assist in the reconstruction of the Kurdish city of Kobani.

Kobani made headlines earlier this year as it was the first Kurdish city to successfully break the Islamic State's siege and a successful counter-attack resulted in the expulsion of IS militant from the Kobani canton. Despite the success of Kurdish freedom fighters, over 200,000 refugees fled from Kobani. 

Most of these refugees took refuge inside of Turkey. However, Turkey's largest refugee camp only has the capacity to shelter 35,000 refugees, leaving the remaining 165,000 refugees to fight for accommodation in smaller camps or struggle to survival without international and governmental sponsorship. Within the camps, refugees are provided with the basics necessary to survive, but lack the luxuries that we take for granted. Those not provided placement in camps are largely prohibited from many basic rights, namely those associated with their cultural identification and political expression. Further, there have been many claims of victimisation at the hands of the Turkish majority, with claims of discrimination and bullying because of the refugees’ Kurdish origin. Kobani refugees greatly desire the freedom to return to their homeland, however it is estimated that 70% of their city remains completely destroyed. 

As of May 2015, Turkey has kept their border closed and restricted aid workers from entering the Kobani canton. Currently, the most active aid organisation operating inside Kobani is the Kobani Reconstruction Board (KRB). However, because of its feared association with the Socialist and Communist parties of Rojava, the aid and assistance on behalf of Western nations to this organisation is almost non-existent. The ANU Middle Eastern Society aims to break this trend by selling bracelets and raising donations, with proceeds going directly to the KRB.

A single donation of $10.99 will contribute to the financing of necessary equipment to remove the rubble and destruction that currently dominates the city of Kobani. Refugees cannot return home, until the war-torn streets are cleared, houses rebuilt and infrastructure is restored. Kobani has received an outpouring of assistance from locals and foreigners who have emigrated to the Canton to assist in its reconstruction. However, it remains greatly burdened by its lack of financial capacity. The workers and citizens of Kobani are asking for your assistance to rebuild their homeland.

The ANU Middle Eastern Society have established contacts with locals and workers inside Kobani, including foreign fighter, Jesper Söder. All contributors will receive a free “Stand With Kurdistan – I Rebuilt Kobani” bracelet and thank you letter from the citizens of Kobani. We greatly urge you to show solidarity with the Rojava Socialist Internationalism and contribute today. If you cannot provide financial assistance, the children of Kobani are very interested in exploring the world around them, please contact the ANU AMES society to learn how you can become a pen-pal with those wishing to learn English.

We call upon our fellow Australians and supporters of Kurdish autonomy to show solidarity with the Democratic Confederalism project that is currently ongoing within Rojava. Please consider donating to the Kurdish cause and help establish the free and autonomous region of Rojava. The citizens of Kobani sincerely appreciate your support. Please visit our facebook page and website to learn how you can contribute today. Biji Kurdistan.

Greg McLellan
President of the Australian National University Middle East Society (ANU AMES)

http://www.StandWithKobani.com
https://www.facebook.com/ANUArabicMiddleEasternSociety

Memorial service for martyred YPG fighter Kevin Jochim - feelings of sorrow and defiance

The following is an English translation of an article written in German that originally appeared on the Beobachter News website. You can view the original article HERE as well as view additional photographs. The photographs accompanying this translated version are via ANF News. English translation is courtesy of our friends at Insurrection News. 

Karlsruhe: On Saturday August 22nd around 850 people took part in a funeral march for Kevin Jochim who died aged 22 in early July fighting with the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) against the terorrist militia of IS in Rojava. The mourners marched from Karlsruhe-West train station to the cemetery. About 1000 men, women and children gathered for the funeral.

Among the most moving, but also the most defiant moments of the ceremony was the speech by Kevin's mother. She was proud of her son. At the funeral march and commemoration that was called by the Kurdish Society Center in Karlsruhe the mood on Saturday fluctuated between sorrow and defiance. The police kept their distance from the mourners and directed traffic.

"Kevin's spirit of resistance will live on in our aspirations for the liberty, equality and fraternity of all human beings," the Association of Kurdish Students in Germany (YXK) stated in their tribute to Kevin. Kevin Jochim died on July 6. He joined the Kurdish liberation movment  in November 2012 and fought under the name Dilsoz Bahar in the ranks of the YPG against the Islamic State.

Because of the current political situation in Turkey and Kurdistan his body was not flown from Erbil / Hewer until the 14th of August. After arriving in Germany his body was confiscated by the German public prosecutor's office in Karlsruhe. In all it took a month for his body to finally be released for burial - a heavy burden particularly for the family and friends of Kevin Jochim / Dilsoz Bahar.

"Let's make sure Kevin Jochim / Dilsoz Bahar is not forgotten in the vortex of current events and let's make sure that he is never forgotten. Kevin Jochim / Dilsoz Bahar lives on in our hearts and in our struggles," it said in the invitation to accompany him to his final resting place.

The Forgotten Secular And Feminist Fight In West Asia

It's been quite a while since we have updated this blog and the main focus since we last posted here has been on our Facebook page, however we've decided to revive this page and begin posting on here more regularly. For our first post we present you with an article that originally appeared on The Citizen Bureau, an independent daily that is based in India. 

The world, it seems, is preoccupied with the Islamic State. The militant group has established a self-proclaimed caliphate in parts of Syria and Iraq, and media headlines are dominated by the US-led coalition’s fight to recapture this territory. The Kurds find themselves at the centre of this narrative, with the battle for Kobani, home to a largely Kurdish population, becoming symbolic of the influence and power of the Islamic State. However, somewhere along this obsession fuelled narrative, a key part of the Kurdish fight against the militants has been forgotten. 

Few have ever heard of Rojava, a de facto autonomous region in northern and northeastern Syria, that gained autonomy in November 2013. As the Islamic State is a self-professed quasi-state, so is Rojava, with the two not only battling for the same territory in Syria but also reflecting two competing models of governance in a country with the state’s authority has effectively collapsed. 

The Islamic State is predicated on a perverse interpretation of the Sunni fold of Islam, based on the enforcement of Sharia. It is fundamentalist, extremist, intolerant and anti-women, defining nationhood on the basis of a narrowly interpreted religious identity. In contrast, Rojava highlights its multiethnic and multiconfessional diversity, including Muslims, Christians, and Yazidis. 

There is another, perhaps most interesting, difference between the so-called Islamic State and Rojava. While the former is known for being anti-women, one of the key tenets in Rojava’s identity and governance, is that of gender equality. The political representation allows for a 40 percent quota for women’s participation in government, and another provision written into the constitution mandates that each municipality must elect Kurdish, Arab and Christian representatives, and one of the three must be a woman. 

A key role in the defence of Rojava is played by the YJA STAR (Kurdish: Yekîneyên Jinên Azad ên Star), the women’s military wing of the PKK. The YJA, the linked YPG (People’s Protection Units) and the YPJ (Women’s Defense Forces), are at the forefront of the defence of Kurdish territory in Syria. It is also worth mentioning that these militias are not the same as the Iraqi peshmerga, although western media uses the term to encompass all Kurdish militias. 

In recent months, the YPG and YPJ have seen major victories, the most important of which was the retake of Kobani. Other victories have included the strategic towns of Tel Hamis and Tel Tamr (on the edges of Cizîre canton). 

There are two important points relating to the above. One, already alluded to, is the role of women in the fight against the Islamic State -- representing an interesting contrast given the Islamic State’s anti-woman stance. Women fighters said they did not only see the YPJ as a defence front, but that they also saw it as a source of freedom. 

Destan, who is in the front line, explained that before she joined the ranks of the YPG two years ago: “my life was between four walls. I had no social or economic life.”

Radical changes after the revolution affected Destan and her cousin of the same age, and they decided to join the YPG. A few months later, with the formation of the YPJ, they joined its ranks. 

Destan replied to our question as to what had changed after she had joined the YPG/YPJ, saying: “I never used to believe a woman could be the equal of a man before. For instance, in our family the man was always deemed the dominant one and I always considered that normal and legitimate. Here there is a genuine understanding of equality and freedom. I understood in the ranks of the YPJ that male domination was not a normal part of life but was, on the contrary, against the natural order. This created a great feeling of freedom in me.” 

Destan is one of those who has been in the front line against ISIS attacks that have intensified since July last year. She explained the defence of the “Şehit Xabur tepesi” [Martyr Khabur hill], a significant event in the Kobanê resistance thus: “Our women comrades fought to the end to prevent their weapons falling into the hands of the ISIS gangs.” 

Two more of her cousins, Shervan and Ruhat, have also died in clashes this year. She concluded: “Being in the YPJ is not just a matter of defending the land, but is also a love for freedom”. 

Berfin has not been in the YPJ as long as Destan. She joined up after calls to mobilise were issued following the launch of the Kobanê resistance. As she is new, she has not yet been allowed to take part in fighting. 

“I supported the YPJ and when the latest attacks began I knew I could not remain on the sidelines”, is how Berfin described how she joined the YPJ.

Berfin said: “before joining the YPJ we experienced serious assimilation. We were alienated from our language and our culture by the regime which imposed Arab culture. Here I have become acquainted with my own language and culture.” 

“The YPJ has changed the perception that women are lacking and cannot do anything. I studied 7 years at school then they took me away. If it hadn’t been for the revolution, I would probably have got married and been a child mother.” 

A woman fighter named Roza, who joined the ranks of the YPJ 6 months ago, sums up women’s resistance thus: “The most important gain of this conflict has been, in my opinion, the breaking of feudal value judgments. In the last month women have been fighting on the frontline. It may be said that women have inflicted the most crushing blows on the ISIS gangs. Many women have died after putting up heroic resistance. It is now up to us to carry on the struggle in the path of all those who have fallen, first and foremost the women.” 

The second point worth noting relates to how these victories highlight a relatively new dynamic to conflicts in West Asia. Instead of states and national armies fighting each other -- a primary component of conflict in the region since the establishment of Israel in 1948 -- the region is now dominated by new types of actors, specifically that of quasi states with non-conventional militaries. In fact, in the fight against the Islamic State, these quasi state armies such as the YPJ and YPG, have seen the most success, with national militaries such as the Iraqi army seeing limited gains. 

In conclusion, within the sectarian narrative pitting Sunni versus Shia identity, another smaller but extremely important facet of conflict in West Asia has been forgotten -- that of an intolerant, anti-woman, monolithic conception of an “Islamic” State versus Rojava’s secular, multiconfessional, gender-equal and multiethnic state.

Campaign: #TurkeyOPENCorridor2Kobane

While many military gains have been made in recent weeks by YPG/YPJ-led forces defending Kobane it is still URGENT for there to be a corridor opened to allow desperately needed humanitarian supplies into the city.

The only way this can be achieved is if world pressure is applied to force NATO-member & supposed ally of the anti-ISIS coalition Turkey to make this happen.

There are many ways this can be done: organize rallies & demonstrations in your city or town, distribute flyers & leaflets in your local area that explain the urgent need for the corridor, contact sympathetic media organizations, contact sympathetic politicians & community leaders & of course raise awareness via social media.

For Twitter, Facebook & other social media please use the hashtag:  ‪#‎TurkeyOPENCorridor2Kobane‬

We all worked together to make the world listen on November 1st, it's time to get the same momentum happening once more! Kobane still needs our help!

Books For Rojava Campaign

Mesopotamia History and Sociology Academy

A campaign is currently underway to collect books for the newly opened Mesopotamia History and Sociology Academy in the city of Qamişlo, in the Rojava Canton of Cizîre.

The academy, which first opened on on September 2nd, aims to offer an alternative model of education in the canton in order to challenge “educational systems formed by the forces of power and hegemony.”

The goal of the campaign – which was launched by university students with the slogan “give the present of a book to the Mesopotamia Academy” – is to collect books from every discipline and in every language in order to establish a multilingual library for the Academy.

Address to send books:

İstanbul Kürt Enstitüsü
Cibali Mahallesi, Atatürk Bulvarı, Ünlü İş Merkezi, A Blok, Kat: 3, Unkapanı, Fatih, İstanbul.

Campaign Facebook Page

The Social Revolution Will Sweep Through Turkish Kurdistan Sooner Or Later!

The Social Revolution Will Sweep Through Turkish Kurdistan Sooner Or Later!

by Zaher Baher (KAF)

Below is the outcome of my visit to Northern Kurdistan in Turkey between 02/11/14 to 08/11/14 as one of a delegation from United Kingdom, organised by Peace in Kurdistan Campaign (PIK), People’s Democratic Party (HDP) and Democratic Society Congress (DTK). 

Throughout the visit we had a chance to meet many organisations, including political parties, local and regional Trade Unions, co-Mayor of Diyarbakir and Suruc, the Coordination of humanitarian aid to the refugees, Refugees Camps, villages at the border of Kobane, representatives of Democratic Free Movement of Women, Human Rights Association, representatives of democratic Region’s Party, the Bar Association of Diyarbakir and finally meeting with the Federation of the Families of Detainees. 


During our meeting with the people we had total freedom to ask the relevant questions about the situation, their responsibilities, their approach to the problems they are facing, and their current and future tasks. 

There is no doubt that each of the above organisations was overloaded with work, shortage of funds, humanitarian aid and lack of support from the central government. These were because of the following reasons: 

1. The war in Kobane had created a big problem in the region due to the overwhelming number of refugees form the city and by the Eyazidis from Shangal (Sinjar Province). This has created a big problem for each of the above departments
 
2. The slow pace of the peace process between PKK and the Turkish government, which is nearly halted. This obviously made the people angry, frustrated and disappointed. 

3. Continuing the war in Kobane has caused more killing and displacement of people, while there is no clear sign of defeating the Isis. There is evidence that the Turkish government is supporting Isis. These are reasons for more demonstration and protest and vicious response from the police that destabilizes the situation further. 

The most important observation in our visit is the fragmentation of organisations, and the formation of a variety of bodies in different places. A few of these were old but many had developed during the last couple of years. Each of them is working for progress of the society towards stability situation, peace, freedom, social justice, human rights, There was some signs of coordination among them. 

Many of these bodies have been formed as a default and forced themselves over the situation and the central government. This is a reason for seeing some tension between them and the government. It is amazing to notice that while the Municipality of Diyarbakir is elected by the Kurdish people but has no contact with either the head of the police or the governor of Diyarbakir. This is the case with other departments. For instance, when we asked the Human Right Association whether they have written to the police about their behavior and harassment of local people, they replied saying that “There is no point to write to them as they never answer us.” 

There are many Kurdish schools but the state does not recognize them. The people however strongly support these and are confident that one day they can force the state to recognize them. 

It is interesting the people are defying and challenging the power and the state. There is a power within the power. There is ‘’people’s power’’ that people believe in, work with, have forced themselves through the actual state’s power and have made it workable and powerful. This is the way for them to gradually take back the power form the elite minority. While this is not difficult in the cities that overwhelming majority are Kurdish and believe in changes. This is how the social revolution starts from the bottom of the society, and not from the top. 

After 28 years of war, PKK has realised that they must change their direction of their struggles, their aims and their strategy otherwise their future won’t be better than the future of other movements, 
In my opinion PKK or at least the dominant faction or group within the PKK, has taken the right decision and the right direction by silencing their weapons and opening their minds, changing from military forces to people’s power and from political revolution to social revolution. The wave of the social revolution is so strong it will be extremely hard for anybody or any political party to change its direction let alone to stop it. It became a culture, custom especially for the young generation, they have realized that is the only way to defy the power, to challenge the system and make major changes. 

Through talking to people, they are so confident that they can make changes. 

In meeting Democratic Free Movement of Women, there were 9 women present. They told us how they deal with women’s problem in the society, like domestic violence, rape and other abuses, how to support individuals in every ways to make them confident to tackle their problem. A few of them were talking about their own experience and told us since they joined the movement, in fact they have nearly became another person. 

They take part in women’s peace camp, sharing mission, they discuss the books they read and working with Kobane democratic federation women. When we asked them whether there was a gay or lesbian groups in Diyarbakir? In reply they said “ there are a couple of groups in the town, we have contacts with them and we are very supportive to them.” It is amazing to see in a town like Diyarbakir there are women’s movement with very brave and open minded individuals and are very supportive. 

The Federation of the Families of Detainees (Tuhad-FED) is another group we had a couple of hours to meet with. This group was formed in 1996 under the nose of the government. It has 14 volunteers, half of them are women working tirelessly. Most of the foundation members of the group had very bitter experience of being in prison, as they were tortured or detained for a period of time. Its co-president of the federation is still held in prison. This federation is very active and has regular contact with the families and parents of the detainees. They support them by keeping in touch, finding a lawyer for the detainees and fund the families of the poor to visit their beloved ones in prison. 

This group is in contact with the different groups abroad and locally with the Human Rights Association (IHD). In our meeting with the IHD, they confirmed that the police have arrested many people in the demonstration of 06/10 and 07/10/2014 against the Turkish authority. This was when many thousands fled from Kobane to Turkey against the wishes of the government. 

The demonstrations were against the silent policy of the state of Turkey supporting Isis. The head of IHD confirmed that just 5 minutes before our arrival, a couple of people came to their office to inform them that their sons, aged 16 and 17 years, have been taken away by the police. They were informed that during the demonstration 42 people and 2 police officers were killed, some 1128 people were arrested including 53 children, with 221 still in prison. 

In a meeting with co-president of one of the Unions who works in a hospital, she confirmed the arrival of 128 injured and some very sick people at their hospital. The police have raided the Union office and the hospital a few times to find out whether anybody who helped the people at Kobane has been treated in the hospital. When they found the presence of sick and injured people from Kobane they harassed her and other nurses, abusing them verbally and taking their identity documents from them. 

In our meeting with the Bar Association of Diyarbakir, we met 5 Lawyers. They told us that they have about 1000 lawyers in Kurdistan region working in different departments, caring for the rights of women and children or working at legal aid centres funded by the state. They confirmed that no major changes have taken place since the start of the peace process. They were optimistic and felt that the situation will improve by next year when the constitution changes. They pointed out that there was a bail system but this did not apply to people who were involved in politics and their case had to be settled in court. When we asked them about making complaints about the police behaviour, they replied “We do not think it is worth complaining because the police do not listen and they will not change their attitudes.” 

They confirmed that 2000 students were arrested and all over turkey some 3000 to 4000 people are still in prison This is in spite of the constitution which states that people should not be arrested for political activates or opinions. However, if one belongs to a certain political party or found carrying some sort of a banner or placard with slogans inciting hatred, he becomes liable to be arrested. 

The plights of the Refugees continue:

Since the capture of Mosul, in Iraq, by Isis and the genocide of the Eyzidis and the start of war in Kobane, the Kurdistan region in Turkey is overwhelmed with refugees from both Kobane and Sinjar. More than 100,000 Eyazedis have fled, with many of them ending in Iraqi Kurdistan and some 18000 arriving in Turkey.There are also about 4000 of them staying in one of the camps just at the outskirt of Diyarbakir. 

The co- Mayor of Diyarbakir confirmed that there has been no support from UN. People in the region donated money towards the tents, food and clothes. He said ’’ 90% of the donation and help came to Diyarbakir Municipalities from the local people and only 10% from the state.’’ 

He told us they work very hard to provide basic necessities of life such as tents, food, clothes, hot water, electricity, shower facilities, health clink and schools to their children. He mentioned that they have great difficulties as all the services have to be done by volunteers; they do not have enough people. They also lacked skilled labour, doctors, nurses, beds, ambulances and medicine. The Turkish government does not support them in providing the services and everything has been organised by the Municipalities.
 
We also met with the Union of the South East Anatolian Region in which Gabb is in charge of the coordination of humanitarian aid to the refugees. This body consists of 286 members of which 30% are women. They elect 7 people to be part of the active committee. Half of their budget comes from all the Municipalities in the region and they have contacts abroad. Gabb told us that they have an intensive plan for the next 3 months to coordination between refugee camps, between the refugees from Kobane and Shangal and also with Turkey to obtain information and humanitarian support.

They also have to classify the people in the camp in term of their gender, age, health and other problems. They confirmed that they supervise and support 9 camps of refugee in which 4 of them Eyazidis from Shangal. They confirmed that already around 6000 of them returned to Iraqi Kurdistan but received 96000 more who settled in Suruc, and 2840 in Mardin. 

We also visited the refugee camp of Eyazidis where over 4000 people live. These people complained about quality of the food, hot water, doctors and nurses. They told us that due to lack of transport it takes 15 days to be referred to a hospital and moneyless refugees have to pay for their treatment. 

In Surus, we visited the Kobane refugee camp which was set up on 15/09/14. They have the same facilities as the Shangal refugees. It looked they lived in reasonable condition. We were told that they have 15 doctors, 20 nurses and many more on call to look after them. It seems they are happier than the Shangal refugees, probably because of the following factors:
 
1. They are very close to Kobane, where they come from, as this psychologically influence them, compared to the Eyazidis from far away Shangal.
 
2. The Kobane refugees feel their stay is temporary and will returned home soon. Shanglys have little hope of returning while Isis are in control of their region. 

3. The Kobane refugees had time to leave home and some managed to take their valuables with them. The Eyazidis, on the other hand were faced with immediate slaughter. They have left everything behind and many of their relatives were killed. hundreds of their women kidnapped by Isis and sold into sexual slavery following the raids is still unknown. 

4.The refugees from Kobane left while there were still people behind fighting the Isis forces. The Eyazidis people are bitter towards Massoud Barzani’s forces (The peshmarga), They informed us that as soon as the Isis arrived the Peshamrga withdrew and let the Eyazidis face slaughter. The withdrawal of the Peshamarga is a mystery and nobody knows whether it was on the order of Massoud Barzani, an agreement among Isis, the Turkish government and Barzani or something else. When we talked to people in the Eyazidis camp some of them did not hide their anger and frustration against Masoud Barzani’s Peshmarga. 

Turkish government has changed its tactic but not it's strategy against Kurdish people:

Everywhere there people had one thing in common: ‘There has been no major change since the ceasefire of Dec 2012.’ The suppression and the oppression are going on, still the Kurdish community is marginalised, still you can see a major difference between Kurdish and Turkish towns. 
There is not much support from the governor of the cities or from the central government to Municipalities that are controlled by the Kurdish people. The Kurdish community suffers greatly from joblessness and from health problems. People still live in big fear either for their own safety or their children’s being harassed, kidnapped or detained without reason. 

It is true that the Kurdish people are now in control of their Municipalities, and setting up many organisations, association, Unions and a variety of groups. However, they receive very little or no help from the government. It is noticed that the Kurds have forced their case and the Turkish government has no choice but to accept it. This may be due to the government hoping to become an EU member. Also the Kurdish have simply rejected the old situation. They are prepared to fight back and do not want to stop their social revolution which is at its beginning. 

Things can be happened but should not be happened to derail the social revolution:

The situation is very tense and delicate. The peace process seems to have come to standstill. Kobane is still being seized, Isis is still a big threat to the region and it seems removing Assad from power is not possible for the time being. The US and the rest of the western countries can run out of a clear policy or strategy to defeat Isis and the Turkish government is not serious in the negotiation with PKK. These factors have direct or indirect impact on the situation in Turkey.
 
However, factors more important than the above which may derail the social revolution are:

1. Ending the ceasefire by PKK and returning to guerrilla war. This will be a disaster for Turkish society and the Kurdish community. No doubt this may bring more killing, more destruction, more displacement of people, creating the feeling of hatter between Kurds and Turks, increasing the wave of racism and will have a negative impact on the region as whole and the Kurdish region in Iraq, Iran and Syria in particular. 

2. The attitude of US and the western countries treating the PKK as a terrorist organisation does not help the situation. Continuing such a policy will bring no benefits either to Kurdish people or to their allies in the region. These countries need to change their attitudes about PKK, they should understand that it is not the same organisation as it was in the 1990s. They should consider PKK as a main force in the region and is very popular. It has indeed changed and progressed considerably during the recent years. Therefore the PKK cannot be marginalised. The US and the western countries should force the Turkish government not to take the ceasefire for granted, they should all grab this opportunity to end this very long dispute. 

3. The Turkish government has doubtful relations with Isis and the other terrorist organisations in the region. For instance it uses them in a proxy war which may become extremely harmful to Turkey. The president of Turkey, Mr Tayyip Erdogan, and its government should leave behind their dream of establishing the old Ottoman Empire in the Twenty first century. Instead they should concentrate on its internal problems, especially the Kurdish issue. 

4. There is still a big struggle between the military Generals and politicians in Turkey over power. The peace process has never been in the interest of the military Generals. Although currently the struggle is getting less effective, the intervention from spy networks within the region along with the US and the western countries could revive this struggle and strengthen the Generals to do a military kudeta . This obviously is not in the interest of the peace process and the social revolution by bringing back the old polices of suppression, oppression and killing innocent people and to return to the first square. 

In solidarity,
KAF